Brothers in Arms

This past summer, I participated in a Harvard Kennedy School discussion about democracies in decline. Israel’s internal strife, the ongoing Gaza war, and the hostage crisis are all connected to the struggle over the nation’s core identity. The fundamental question is whether Israel will remain a modern democracy or devolve into a theocratic autocracy.

While on campus, I experienced conflicting feelings of despair and resolve. The despair stemmed from the realization that Israel could potentially join the ranks of autocratic nations like Venezuela, China, Russia, and Egypt, which were also represented at the discussion. Researchers from these countries, along with the United States, were trying to understand the challenges of opposing either a regime or a faltering democracy.

However, the thought of the vast number of Israelis uniting to combat this decline—as recently as last week—was encouraging, filling me with renewed pride and determination to prevail.

We recognize that democracies are inherently vulnerable. Around the globe, we observe democratically elected leaders using democratic institutions to gradually erode democracy. They weaken the checks and balances that safeguard a country’s democratic nature, ultimately accumulating unchecked power. Loyalty to the leader, rather than to the nation, becomes the key criterion for appointments to crucial positions that should be independent and uphold the balance of power. Once this occurs, there is no turning back.

We, Brothers and Sisters in Arms, emerged in January 2023 after the government announced plans to pass laws that would irreversibly weaken nearly all of Israeli democracy’s checks and balances. Among the 200 proposed laws were measures enabling the government to overturn any Supreme Court decision with a simple majority and to appoint unqualified loyalists to key positions without review or justification.

For years, we had taken Israeli democracy for granted. At 50, living in Tel Aviv with my family and a successful career in Israel’s renowned tech sector, I had never considered becoming involved in civic society, let alone helping to establish an organization. However, I felt threatened by the prospect of any government wielding unlimited power.

After meeting with friends, we realized that action was necessary before it was too late. We formed a WhatsApp group, calling ourselves Brothers and Sisters in Arms, and planned a march from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem to advocate for democracy. We were naive; none of us imagined that this effort would continue three years later. I have always served and defended my country, even at personal risk. This commitment drove us to take to the streets. We love Israel and understand that its security depends on our unity. Without democracy, equality, and freedom, people will not stand up and risk their lives. Our motto was that the army of the people, united for all and all for one, can only exist in a democracy.

Week after week, for nine consecutive months, Brothers and Sisters in Arms led hundreds of thousands of Israelis in protest. We raised awareness throughout the country. As the police response grew increasingly aggressive, tensions rose. However, we persisted and built a nationwide network of supporters. We demonstrated fearlessly, dominated the media, and increased public pressure on coalition members, successfully halting the proposed judicial overhaul temporarily.

Then came October 7th. At 6:29 a.m., every Israeli was awakened by the sound of blaring alarms. Hamas had brutally breached our southern border, initiating a massacre of civilians.

Once again, Israelis remained steadfast. We put aside our internal conflicts and united to confront the external threat.

In contrast, our government was paralyzed and in shock. Ordinary Israelis immediately stepped in to fill the void. Brothers and Sisters in Arms quickly transitioned (in a matter of minutes) into a civil-aid organization. We mobilized thousands of volunteers to address a wide array of needs through nationwide logistical operations. We rescued people under fire and supported evacuated families, assisting with housing and provisions.

Remarkably, the brutal Hamas attack and its aftermath did not diminish the government’s desire to seize unlimited power. On the contrary, even two years into a war that shows no signs of ending, and with our hostages still awaiting return, the government remains focused on pushing through its judicial overhaul, consistently acting against the public interest.

It is refusing to prioritize the release of hostages—abandoning solidarity and mutual responsibility, perhaps our most vital strategic asset. Furthermore, despite military manpower shortages, the government is supporting those who avoid service, whose religious political parties are blocking legislation to address the issue. Cynically and immorally, the government is creating divisions within society, where one segment risks their lives defending the country while the other does not. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis have returned to the streets, demanding courageous leadership.

Moreover, Netanyahu and his government refuse to accept any responsibility for October 7th or to appoint a state commission of inquiry to investigate the events leading up to it—despite the fact that 80 percent of Israelis, according to numerous polls, believe such an inquiry is essential.

If Israel is to endure as a vibrant, democratic Jewish state, in accordance with the Zionist vision of our founders and our declaration of independence—a safe haven for Jews, a thriving democracy grounded in equality and open to all religions and beliefs—the Israeli public must once again step forward and actively participate in the democratic process. This is both the privilege and the duty of the demos in the modern world.

Dealing with internal conflicts of identity while facing external threats is not unique to Israel. However, Israel’s life-threatening circumstances underscore that the social resilience needed to overcome these challenges requires the commitment and engagement of most citizens. In Israel, our “groupishness” is our strength. This is the Zionism I was raised on, and it is the Israel we aspire to return to. Researchers at Harvard, like many others worldwide, are observing Israel’s struggle for its own survival. The outcome rests with us. We are the democratic defense force.