Smoke billows above a residential neighborhood after an Israeli strike on Beirut, Lebanon on April 8, 2026. —Houssam Shbaro—Anadolu/Getty Images

(SeaPRwire) –   In the early Cold War era, the “domino theory” shaped foreign policy decisions. This theory posited that if one nation fell to communism, adjacent countries would follow suit—making early, forceful intervention a critical priority. The outcome was a string of military engagements, climaxing in the Vietnam War, which ultimately discredited the theory.

Today, the globe is grappling with a modern iteration of the domino effect—this time characterized by the spread of instability instead of communism. Unlike six decades ago, the world is far more interconnected, and the rate of transmission for everything from energy costs to AI deepfakes to human migration is exponential. But where Cold War-era paranoia about ripple effects once prevailed, there’s now a sense of complacency. The conflict in Iran highlights these risks.

The recently declared two-week ceasefire with Iran is a much-needed break, yet it’s incomplete, precarious, and won’t halt the regional domino effect of conflict seen in nations such as Lebanon and Syria. In reality, the ceasefire emphasizes just how fragmented this crisis has grown. Even if it holds, the long-term impacts require immediate action to reduce harm.

The war’s effects were never going to stay within Iran’s boundaries, but no safeguards have been implemented to minimize the damage. While the war in Iran has an immediate regional impact, its risks are global in scope.

Stretching from Afghanistan and Pakistan in South Asia to Sudan in Northeast Africa, a broad swath of Middle Eastern and adjacent nations already has 115 million people in need of humanitarian aid and 40 million who’ve been forced to flee their homes. The conflicts in Iran and Lebanon have displaced an additional 4 million people. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz—along with rising energy prices, blocked fertilizer shipments, and humanitarian supplies trapped at Dubai’s Humanitarian Hub—affects everyone, but hits the most vulnerable groups the hardest.

I’ve witnessed this firsthand in Lebanon and Syria, where I met displaced individuals and spoke with government officials and diplomatic envoys. Last year, both nations began a lengthy reconstruction process: Lebanon finally formed a credible government and initiated efforts to create a new political agreement, while Syria ousted a reviled dictator and promised to welcome all Syrians back.

The coming year is likely to bring several significant setbacks. Both countries—once determined to remain neutral in the conflict—now face a spiral of economic instability and unfulfilled hopes, all while still coping with the humanitarian aftermath of past conflicts.

Lebanon is the most pressing concern. Global inattention has worsened domestic divisions. Public anger is widespread: directed at Hezbollah for escalating the conflict, at Israel for occupying Lebanese territory, at the government for its powerlessness, and at the international community for doing nothing.

Our estimates indicate that nearly 1,500 people have died in the past four weeks—including a former employee of my organization, her husband, and their three-year-old son, all killed in an Israeli air raid. More than 1 million civilians have been displaced by fighting in southern Lebanon, making up roughly one-fifth of the country’s population. Approximately 140,000 Lebanese are staying in “collective shelters” such as schools and football stadiums.

Last year’s 5% economic growth has now turned negative. Cash assistance to Lebanon’s poorest households—$145 for a family of five—falls far short of covering a month’s worth of essential needs. A nurse from one of our partner organizations told me in Beirut: “It’s so difficult to have a future here. Planning anything feels impossible.”

Nations impacted by conflict—like Lebanon and Syria—face a constant battle to stay afloat. The challenge lies in addressing immediate humanitarian needs (which can fuel resentment and instability if unmet) while also working toward long-term economic and social progress. Focusing solely on short-term aid leads to dependency, while ignoring it in favor of long-term goals alienates the population.

For the ceasefire to be successful, a humanitarian corridor must be established through the Strait of Hormuz. This would free up the humanitarian supplies stuck in Dubai and enable the passage of fertilizer shipments—30% of the world’s total—which are vital for food production. The International Rescue Committee (IRC) has warned that June will mark the detonation of a “food security time bomb,” as delayed fertilizer deliveries lead to poor harvests and push millions into severe hunger.

Additionally, we need to increase macroeconomic support for countries that are welcoming back displaced individuals. Over the past 15 months, roughly 1.5 million Syrians have returned to their homeland from Lebanon. The joy of returning home—something I heard about from many—is now overshadowed by extreme poverty. The mid-April World Bank and IMF meetings present an ideal opportunity to provide the necessary macroeconomic stimulus.

Recent research from the Center for Global Development highlights a clear connection between aid reductions and increased conflict. Over the past year, conflicts and conflict-related fatalities have risen by 5%. A key part of the solution is reversing aid cuts that have crippled basic social safety nets, while combining social support with small business development. In Syria and Lebanon alone, IRC programs have seen over $10 million in cuts in the past year—cuts that are sowing the seeds of future conflict.

Fourth, we need to reform the aid system to function better in the most challenging environments. The World Bank Spring Meetings are approaching, and its new strategy for fragile states calls for partnerships with community-based groups to ensure aid is delivered effectively and efficiently. This strategy requires robust backing from the World Bank’s shareholders.

A civil society activist in Damascus told me: “We want a future for our children. We don’t want more bloodshed.” This won’t happen on its own. The domino effect is still very much present today—it’s harmful and destructive, and we need to act quickly to address it.

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