President-Elect Donald Trump Meets With Biden, Congressional Leaders In Washington

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Even before the Middle East peace agreement was finalized, the question of who deserves credit was already prominent. As is often the case with this region and U.S. involvement, attributing responsibility proved difficult.

On Wednesday, after President Joe Biden announced the potential end to the 15-month Gaza war, a reporter asked him who deserved credit – himself or Trump. Biden questioned if it was a joke; it wasn’t, and there’s no simple answer. Both men share responsibility for the agreement.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict intensified in October 2023 when Hamas launched a surprise attack on Israel, resulting in 1,200 Israeli deaths and 250 hostages, according to Israeli sources. Israel’s response caused widespread chaos, leaving world leaders bewildered. Over 46,000 Palestinians—approximately half women and children—died in Israel’s subsequent ground and air campaign.

The agreement, announced in principle on Wednesday, halts the conflict in phases, beginning with prisoner exchanges and a six-week ceasefire. This deal resulted from complex U.S. diplomacy, involving close collaboration between Biden’s team, President-elect Trump’s incoming team, and regional partners in Doha. This unusual bipartisan cooperation occurred after a fiercely contested U.S. election where both sides presented contrasting Middle East peace plans, closely watched by Gaza leaders. The election timeline likely prolonged negotiations.

Both Biden and Trump played a role, and historians will debate their relative contributions. Immediately following the deal, both sought to claim credit.

Trump, preempting Biden’s announcement, attributed the deal to his “Historic Victory in November.” He had warned Hamas of severe consequences if hostages weren’t released before his inauguration, and his negotiator, Steve Witkoff, engaged in separate diplomacy while Biden’s Middle East advisor, Brett McGurk, participated remotely.

Biden framed the breakthrough as a result of his May framework, realized recently due to his team’s efforts. He stated, “Its terms will be implemented for the most part by the next administration,” adding, “For the past few days we have been speaking as one team.”

This eleventh-hour diplomatic push echoed the 1981 Iran hostage crisis, resolving just as President Carter left office and Reagan entered. Trump’s team subtly drew this parallel, though the comparison has limitations. (Trump’s team lacked a figure like John B. Connally Jr., who facilitated an election-year peace deal for Reagan. However, Trump’s strong rhetoric suggests Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu favored giving Trump credit over Biden.)

Biden was in office when the deal concluded, calling it “one of the toughest negotiations I’ve ever experienced.” Despite Trump’s claim of credit, his envoy Witkoff acknowledged McGurk’s key role. Cooperation between the outgoing and incoming teams wasn’t ideal, but both recognized the crisis demanded surpassing partisan politics.

With Trump’s inauguration imminent, the credit question primarily concerns egos and presidential legacies. Biden is approaching retirement; Trump is returning to Washington for a second term. Both want credit, but neither achieved the agreement alone. Ironically, Trump might have helped Biden secure a final win, and Biden might have set the stage for Trump’s first victory of his second term. Neither might relish this historical footnote, but sometimes compromise is necessary.

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